The government must focus on urgent issues

Fri November 1, 2024 08:00 Last update: Fri. November 1, 2024 08:00

One of the problems in Bangladesh that needs urgent solution is the prices of daily necessities. FILE PHOTO: STAR

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One of the problems in Bangladesh that needs urgent solution is the prices of daily necessities. FILE PHOTO: STAR

Almost three months have passed since the interim government took office. During this period, it took several significant steps, including the creation of various committees to begin the process of reforming key sectors and the suspension of the Energy Compensation Act – steps largely seen as positive. However, there are many other tasks that she should prioritize. It is surprising that to this day no official list of victims and wounded in the July Uprising has been prepared. The student-led protests grew into a broader popular movement, with citizens from all walks of life joining them. The participation of the working class was particularly significant. Many of the victims are from the labor force. Many of the injured currently find it difficult to continue treatment. They expected support from the state. More rapid action should have been taken on this matter.

There seems to be a tendency to overlook the crucial role of workers during the uprising because their demands were not given enough attention. For example after 18-point agreement among employers, garment workers and the government, it was made clear that all outstanding wages would be settled. However, many factories failed to fulfill this commitment; some factories even closed without warning. When workers raise concerns and demand the benefits they deserve, they are often met with violent responses, such as shootings that lead to casualties. AND 25-year-old RMG employeewho joined the ongoing protest demanding the payment of salary that had been pending for several months, was recently shot and later died from her injuries. Even yesterday two garment workers were shot dead during violent clashes with security forces in the Mirpur area of Dhaka. It is disheartening to see that while any student-led mobilization is met with some degree of compassion from the government, workers are met with force when they demand their rights. We hope that the government will take appropriate steps to address these concerns.

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Meanwhile, political complexities appear to have diverted the current administration’s attention elsewhere. One such issue is the president’s recent statements. The publication of Sheikh Hasina’s resignation could have been a clear reaction to his comments. If this is not feasible, a solution should be sought through dialogue with the political parties. Some state organizations also made demands and claims, indicating that internal contradictions may be growing. Instead of allowing instability to grow as a result of these contradictions, the government should quickly engage in discussions with political parties and take decisive action by consensus.

While BCL members involved in criminal activities should undoubtedly be brought to justice, it is also critical that those in the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their own benefit be held accountable. However, the current process of prosecuting people associated with the previous regime lacks transparency. Cases are initiated where the main culprits cannot be precisely identified, creating a risk that the actual perpetrators will escape justice or that the gravity of the charges will be reduced.

One of those quick decisions was recent ban in the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of the Awami League. This ban was a demand of the anti-discrimination student movement, which called for the dissolution of the BCL. Often seen as the militant arm of the Awami League, the BCL has developed a reputation for being involved in criminal activities – extortion, tender manipulation, harassment of university students and even running torture cells in dormitories. The organization’s presence in many communities became synonymous with oppression, serving the Awami League’s interests in maintaining power, an image that was deliberately cultivated by the Awami League government.

While BCL members involved in criminal activities should undoubtedly be brought to justice, it is also critical that those in the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their own benefit be held accountable. However, the current process of prosecuting people associated with the previous regime lacks transparency. Cases are brought where the main culprits cannot be accurately identified, creating a risk that the actual perpetrators will escape justice or that the gravity of the charges will be diminished. This approach raises questions about the credibility of the judicial process.

The decision to ban a political entity may also prove suicidal. Banning a political group does not eliminate its ideology. While the organization may no longer be legal, its ideas and activities may still operate underground, with the potential for a resurgence. For example, during Sheikh Hasina’s term, the activities of Jamaat-e-Islami were not officially banned, but in practice they faced similar restrictions. But his ideology endured, and today it has reemerged, even stronger. So simply banning an organization will not eradicate its influence; instead, it obscures his true nature and may even arouse public sympathy.

Politics in our public universities have also shown that no matter which party comes to power, its student wing becomes dominant and oppressive, exploiting the university administration to further its goals. The government uses these student groups to exert control over campuses, as seen in the cases of the Awami League’s BCL, BNP’s Chhatra Dal, Jamaat’s Islami Chhatra Shibir and the Ershad-era Chhatra Samaj.

To prevent a return to authoritarianism or fascism, strengthening democratic processes is crucial. This includes supporting democratic dialogue, ensuring transparency and accountability in governance, and maintaining the rule of law. When institutions become functional and accountable, and exemplary punishments are meted out to criminals, the foundations of authoritarianism weaken. Moreover, increasing public participation in governance can create a resilient barrier to the potential return of non-democratic forces.

If the government ignores the demands of the majority working-class population or calls for justice across social lines and relies solely on coercion, it risks paving the way for authoritarianism. Harsh tactics, threats and coercive laws only contribute to the re-emergence of undemocratic practices. The key aspiration of the uprising was to build a “new Bangladesh free from discrimination” and to achieve this, the focus must be on necessary reforms.

Reducing the prices of basic necessities and ensuring that they remain within the reach of the common man is very important at this time. The abolition of anti-people agreements in sectors such as energy is essential to lay the foundation for a new vision for Bangladesh. This should not simply be a matter of replacing one BCL version with another. True transformation means breaking away from trends that have so far been synonymous with oppression.

As told to Monorom Polok.

Anu Muhammad is a former professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author.

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